Resurgent Republicans: Jeffrey Goldberg Analyzes the Implications of the Midterms

Please enjoy another insightful guest post from the Intelligent Observer, Jeffrey Goldberg.

Resurgent Republicans: Will they dictate the political narrative over the coming year?  Here’s how:

  1. Take actions Republicans can spin as pro-growth while blocking any new federal stimulus.  (Read, Tax Cuts).

Democrats bungled the opportunity to address the soon-to-expire Bush tax cuts prior to election night.  It’s now an easy issue for the new Republican majority.  During election night interviews two key House Republicans, Mike Pence and Eric Cantor, stated that their first action would be to extend the Bush tax cuts.  The Republican position barely varies from the Obama administration’s position on this issue; the only current difference is whether to make the cuts for the wealthiest taxpayers temporary or permanent.

Republicans will claim and receive credit whether the rates are extended during  the current lame duck House session or after the new Republican Congress takes over in January.  Maintaining the Bush rates will not spur job growth- these tax rates have been in effect throughout the long recession and jobless recovery.

  1. Repealing the Health Care law, and financial and environmental regulations.

Republicans can blame Democrats for continuing joblessness by claiming that the new laws and regulations are crushing the economy.  This argument fits the current public mood and will be politically effective despite the following facts:

  • The Great Recession started nearly two years before Obama took office;
  • Most of the Health Care law isn’t taking effect for three more years; and
  • Wall Street is booming and seems entirely unaffected by new financial regulation.

Major causes of the continuing economic funk—de-leveraging in nearly every economic sector and the massive long-term trade imbalance—are complex issues and hard to explain.  But blaming an unpopular government is easy.

  1. Reap the political benefits from the continuing stagnant economy.

The prospects for strong economic growth over the next year are slim.  A hamstrung federal government unable to provide additional stimulus will ensure slow growth.  Major federal spending cuts—Republicans promise to cut discretionary spending by $100 billion in the first year—may send the economy into a double dip recession.  But no matter who is really to blame, history tells us that the public blames the party in the White House for a bad economy, not the party in control of Congress.
 

What will the Democrats Do?

The Democratic Party has certainly not been rendered hopeless.  The White House and Congressional Democrats may try to pursue any or all of the following strategies to improve their public standing:

  • Propose a payroll tax holiday.  This might provide a short-term economic boost and would be hard for Republicans to oppose.
  • Generate targeted proposals for government investment (don’t use the word “stimulus”) in alternative energy (sold as energy independence not carbon reduction measures) and new technology.  There is always a constituency for government money and these are politically sophisticated sectors of the economy.  Democrats would be wise to find the money for these proposals from wasteful and/or unnecessary government programs, which always exist.
  • Pursue accomplishments overseas, especially regarding Iraq, Afghanistan, Iran and the Middle East.  It is hard to envision real progress in any of these areas but Hillary Clinton remains popular; put her out in front of all foreign policy initiatives.
  • Bash China over trade and currency issues.  Although this is treacherous territory for the US, trade unions and tea partiers would unite on an anti-China policy, and the economy would benefit by steps that would reduce the trade imbalance.
  • Capture Osama Bin Laden.  For political impact this should have been done last month, but it’s never too late.
  • Play nice with Republicans.  This will not work.  Republicans tout Bill Clinton as the model Democratic president who moved to the middle after the 1994 midterms.  But don’t forget that 95% of congressional Republicans voted to impeach Clinton after passage of welfare reform and after he balanced the federal budget. 
  • Cross their collective fingers and hope for a business-cycle shift and a surge in hiring.


Guest post by Jeffrey Goldberg

DOJ Investigates Big Pharma: Could This Be the First Major Dodd-Frank Whistleblower Case?

 

These companies are not just risking their reputations; they are risking lives. 

The world’s largest pharmaceutical companies including GlaxoSmithKline, AstraZeneca, Eli Lilly, Bristol-Meyers Squibb, Merck and more will be subject to an ongoing probe by DOJ.

The basis for these probes: the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act. The act bars any American company from offering items of value to foreign officials for profit. Because of this restriction, pharmaceutical companies operating abroad are constantly walking a narrow line.  Most hospitals and healthcare centers in foreign countries are state-run – making all employees (doctors included) foreign officials as defined under the FCPA. This means dinners, gifts, and any other special treatment for foreign doctors or healthcare professionals could land Big Pharma in some deep water for offering bribes to foreign officials.

Technically:

As the Financial Times reports, DOJ is investigating all acts that could be in violation of the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act. Violations of the FCPA resulting from over-gracious dinners, all-expense-paid travel, and many other standard Big Pharma practices will be scrutinized.

The real issue:

Investigating lavish dinners and hospitality is far from the extent of the probe. The DOJ will be investigating more serious, more egregious violations of American law by looking into Big Pharma’s relationships with physicians who work on clinical trials, but also serve on regulatory boards.

In international healthcare, getting a drug approved in certain markets can net a pharmaceutical company billions of dollars. Unfortunately, this means that a drug’s approval might reflect the intense lobbying efforts of the pharmaceutical companies, not the best science. For this reason, the FCPA must be ardently enforced to ensure protection of the health and safety of consumers everywhere. Violations of American laws whose effect is to push drugs through foreign approval programs are inexcusable. These transgressions put the legitimacy of the global healthcare industry at risk and also jeopardize the safety of thousands of patients in Big Pharma’s quest to make a buck.

Potential whistleblower?

This DOJ investigation could very well be among the first spurred by a whistleblower under the new Dodd-Frank financial reform act. The act, passed just weeks ago, allows concerned, informed citizens to speak up about corporate securities violations by filing complaints with DOJ or the SEC. (Click here and here to read our posts about the Dodd-Frank Financial Reform Act) The Dodd-Frank act historically opened up new avenues for whistleblowers to bring claims related to the FCPA. We at the Corporate Observer are watching the developments closely, and the internet is abuzz (see here) with conjecture as to whether or not this investigation is a result of a new type of corporate whistleblower. Of course there will be no proof until we move farther down the road, but the prospect of an average citizen inspiring such a massive investigation to protect consumers and healthcare patients around the world is inspiring.

 

Assisted by Zach Kady

Person of the Week: Paul Volcker

Paul Volcker – a voice for reasonable regulation on Wall Street

Paul Volcker, for decades a lion in the regulatory community, has had an undeniable impact on the new financial regulations moving across President Obama’s desk.  All proponents of Main Street should applaud him.  Mr. Volcker, former chairman of the Federal Reserve Board under Jimmy Carter and Ronald Reagan, has recently found his voice as lead Economic Advisor to President Obama.  The proof:

The Volcker Rule: A key piece of the financial reform legislation, which President Obama signed into law earlier this week.  The rule will help ensure a dividing line between commercial and investment banks.

Mr. Volcker hoped for a complete separation of traditional banking from investment/hedge fund banking industries.  Recall, this was the way of the world before the drastic deregulation of the 80’s and 90’s.  Unfortunately, today’s political reality would not permit such a stark division of commercial banks and investment banks.  Instead of a complete separation of functions, the bill that President Obama signed into law limits commercial banks to investing just 3% of their capital in investments that do not benefit their customers. In other words: trading for their own account and perhaps contrary to the interests of their customers and the public. And as we now know getting into enough trouble to need a multi-billion dollar bail out. 

Volcker, always a thoughtful proponent of government regulation, was largely cast aside and silenced during the economic booms spurred by deregulation.  In a recent interview with the New York Times, Volcker called the idea of a self-regulating market an illusion which he is happy to see shattered.  

This week, we salute Mr. Volcker for his efforts on behalf of the Main Street and the public.  Despite Wall Street’s kicking and screaming, Volcker’s singular gravitas has successfully stood up to those Gucci-wearing lobbyists of the financial industry.  Although not enough, the Volcker rule is a step in the right direction. It helps Main Street to be sure.  Unless banks find a creative way around it, we should be spared – at least for awhile –  the volatility and cost associated with the unbridled greed of banks we all witnessed the last several years.

 

Assisted by Zachary Kady

Reform From Within: Changing the Paradigm of Class Action Litigation

 

Below you will find an excerpt from Steven Berk's recently published article in The Class Action Newsletter of the American Association for Justice. For the full article, please click here

Introduction

Why are class action lawyers are held in such low regard by the public, fellow attorneys and too many courts? How do we change the paradigm from the prevailing view that we are greedy and opportunistic, to one where we are seen as respected private attorney generals and resourceful consumer advocates?  

My perspective is informed by over twenty years of litigation experience in government and private practice, the majority outside the class action bar.

My professional journey through the past two decades in law has taken me from Illinois, where I was an associate at the law firm formed by Abraham Lincoln’s son to the United States Attorney’s Office for the District of Columbia where I was a federal prosecutor to a stint at the Securities and Exchange Commission’s General Counsel’s Office, then to a Top 100 Firm, where I was elected to the partnership and finally to my own practice where I represent thousands, indeed millions, of individuals in class action litigation.

I’ve had the good fortune to represent an array of consumers seeking redress for a range of corporate misconduct: owners of outboard marine engines; purchasers of inkjet printers; millions of owners of camcorders who for too many after using their camera a half a dozen times

                Most recently, I’ve been representing investors who have lost their life savings in a Ponzi scheme that operated under the noses of the nation’s largest, and for a long time, most respected banks.

I’ve won some and lost some of these cases. I’ve found lifelong friends as we together fight a formidable foe, with superior resources. I like to think that more often than not I’ve earned the respect of my colleagues, adversaries, the court, and most importantly, my clients.

But there is a disconnect between how I view my work and how most people view my work

Plaintiffs’ Class Action Lawyer. You might as well call it, “swine flu.”

Why all the disdain and distaste for a group that typically represents the poor against the rich, the little guy paying out hard earned dollars for the latest corporate scheme to increase quarterly earnings and guarantee bonuses?

                Two reasons … First, greed.[1] The words Plaintiffs Class Action Lawyer and greed seem to be joined at the hip. Second, dishonesty. (a first cousin to greed). No matter how you explain it, the public is convinced the lawyers get all the money. The clients and class, regardless of its size (and actual benefit) gets nothing. How did we get to this place? Good people, all over the country, view us with deep disdain and suspicion?

Changing Popular Misperceptions

We can at least make it harder for them to ridicule us. We can collectively clean our own houses; set standards, and agree on where the line is. Without self- regulation, though we only have ourselves to blame. To be sure the answers are not easy and more often than not the correct decision is a shade of gray. Consider the following situation many of us may have faced in some degree.

You are approaching year five of a case that started with great promise and fanfare (and a spirited fight for leadership). You want to be paid – you need to be paid. But married to that need, is an adverse ruling by the Court limiting discovery, narrowing the size of your class, or precluding you from seeking damages. Class certification and a victory on the merits become unlikely to downright impossible.   What do you do? Gulp. Five years of costs: travel, experts, and deposition transcripts (wow those transcripts can be expensive). So, we try to get out of the case, with something for the class and our dignity. Would we like it to be different? Of course. For the class, treble damages, eight figure cy pres awards, injunctive relief with teeth – no big sharp fangs. And, what the heck, a written apology and handshake from the CEO. And for the lawyers, a nice multiplier on our hourly rate to compensate us for all that time we sank into the matter.

Alas, “Only in the movies,” as they say. Instead, we are discussing with opposing counsel the “e-credit” (a new term for the much maligned coupon) the company is offering. The negotiation centers on the transferability of that credit (would anyone outside “the immediate family” actually want this near worthless electronic discount?). Counsel for defendants feigning a seriousness of purpose earnestly explains the concern over the potential creation of a “secondary market” in these credits. We sit patiently -- knowing the war has been lost and we’re merely discussing the terms of surrender -- wanting to scream: “You know and I know that only 5% of the class will take advantage of these e-credits – a secondary market. what planet are you on?”

So we soldier on and settle, knowing we will be challenged. Knowing that the settlement may not look great. But we did the best we could, certain that without our efforts, there would be no benefits whatsoever. We live to fight another day. But it’s these settlements that give us all a collective “bad name”. Inevitably the fee –based on five years of work -- will be compared to the relief: a $5 e-credit and some mysterious, amorphous thing called “injunctive relief”, which really never makes it above the fold. The headline is “Greedy Class Action Lawyers Receive Millions And Clients A Worthless Electronic Credit.”[2]

We can say in reply. “Don’t look at us – it was approved by the Court.” But we have to realize that such settlements must become the exception. Not the rule. 

They say in baseball, that if a hitter goes 2 for 10 over the course of his career, he’ll be destined to long bus rides over the dusty roads of the minor leagues -- improving to 3 for 10 translates into a long stay in the majors: team jets, five star hotels, big free agent contracts, and possible enshrinement in the Hall of Fame.

We’re never going to go 10 for 10 on our cases. There are too many unknowns. The facts unfold differently than we expected and hoped. The law is interpreted differently than we had predicted, and yes – the elephant in the room – many judges will never grant class certification, no matter the facts or law. But if we can improve the value of our collective portfolios just 10% (that translates to 100 points for an aspiring major leaguer), our reputation and standing among the public and the courts will be enhanced dramatically. 

Five Suggestions for Change

1)    Case Selection: Real Harm and Sharp Practices

      Consider only taking on cases where there is real harm resulting from a sharp practice. First, as to harm: It should be something you can explain to your ten year old. Or if you’re talking to a college friend, they should understand in three sentences what you are seeking to accomplish. Harm doesn’t translate exactly to dollars. The value of money is relative. An alleged defective windshield wiper blade on a Mercedes might be $250, but it is hardly as harmful as a $25 surcharge by banks on any checks cashed by folks without a permanent address. Harm or injury must be evaluated in context. If you need an expert to determine the harm, or your ten year old says: “Huh?” or your college friend says: “Geez, that doesn’t seem like a big deal,” you’ve got a problem.

2)    Put an End to Copycat Suits and Feeding Frenzy Litigation  

       Too often there is a feeding frenzy sparked by media coverage. The next big thing. “Let’s get retained and put something on file quickly.”   Well, how do you file quickly?   You copy someone else’s complaint. This practice needs to stop. Pure and simple. If your name is on a pleading that is identical or substantially similar to an earlier filed complaint, there should be a presumption it is a copycat suit. 

 

3)    Treat Your Class Representatives Like Clients

       You have a client. Don’t ever forget it. You should be required to communicate with your client once per month, even if it’s just by email. Why? Consider the following: the night before your class certification hearing, the Judge contacts your class reps to discuss the issue of adequacy. What would you want your client to say? You’ve never spoken since the day she was sent the retainer? She couldn’t pick you out of a line up? Some attorney who she never met flew in for her deposition and she can’t recall his name? We must do better. We should all strive for the day when our clients routinely say: “Your Honor, my lawyer contacts me every month. What would you like to know about the case?”

      This type of care and feeding is not only ethically required, but good business. And good for the standing of our bar.

4)    Commit to Pro Bono Work[3]

     Class Actions, as we know, can be positive forces for social change. We should all commit to cases where the beneficiaries are some disenfranchised group: the poor, those with special needs or the exploited.e disabled, or children. Let’s use our expertise and skills on their behalf. For bigger firms, it’s a way to train associates. For the rest of us, it’s good exposure.   But for all of us, it’s an opportunity to do the right thing and take a small chip out of the moniker “greedy” that we have been branded with, and can’t shake.

     For big pro bono projects, why not co-counsel with a defense firm? Make it a bi-partisan effort. Cross the aisle in support of the public good. We must be bold and creative to change the paradigm we find ourselves in.

5)    Object to Bad Settlements

     The conventional wisdom is: “Don’t object to even the worst settlement because you will put yourself at risk of objection and scrutiny on your good cases.   It’s not worth the risk.” That kind of cowardly thinking must change. We are all risk takers. Objecting to bad settlements is a risk we must have the courage to accept. Sure, there are many marginal settlements that may be improved – but no need to second-guess those. Save your powder for the clear, egregious cases – those that give us all heartburn.    Commit to objecting every three years. Objecting doesn’t have to be a regular part of your practice to be an effective deterrent. 



[1] To be sure trial lawyers have their fans, but the prevailing public sentiment is largely negative. For a defense of trial lawyers, see: In Defense of So-Called “Greedy Trial Lawyers”by Richard M. Alderman in The Houston Chronicle, October 27, 2002; and The Greedy Trial Lawyers are Distracting Usby Kia Franklin, TortDeform: The Civil Justice Defense Blog.

[2] To see cases where class settlements have been rejected and/or attorney fees critiqued: Moulton v. United States Steel Corp., 581 F.3d 344; Staton v. Boeing Co., 327 F.3d 938; Jones v. Amalgamated Warbasse Houses, Inc., 721 F.2d 881; and In re Metropolitan Life Derivative Litig., 935 F. Supp. 286.

[3] For a discussion on the importance of pro bono work, see the American Bar Association’s Model Rule on Voluntary Pro Bono Publico Service.

 

Let's Not Give the Credit Agencies A Free Pass

 

We have become dependent on the accuracy of the ratings, and yet the agencies that issue them are unregulated and are far from objective… Clearly we cannot continue at status quo.

 

Three cheers: to James Surowiecki of the New Yorker

In protecting Main Street, it is rare that I give banks and regulators a break. However, given the lack of attention to another guilty branch of the financial sector, they are going to get a brief (if undeserved) reprieve from me. The other blameworthy party that I speak of is the credit ratings agencies. Let me explain.

Credit rating agencies assess and label the riskiness of financial instruments (AAA being the best). As this recent New Yorker piece by James Surowiecki details, a problem arises because the rating agencies are privately owned and yet the S.E.C. anointed three of them as official ratings agencies—thus instilling a special trust in them by investors. And that was forty years ago. Today everything—from rules and regulations on financial instruments to interest rates—depends on these ratings.

So what happens when these agencies drastically overestimate the soundness of mortgage-backed securities? In part, that is what caused our current economic situation. The article explains the problem: we have become dependent on the accuracy of the ratings, and yet the agencies that issue them are unregulated and are far from objective. I must commend Mr. Surowiecki for this insight. When the agencies gave mortgage-backed securities a rating of AAA, investment flooded to them, creating the all-too-famous housing bubble. When, in light of the housing crash, the agencies harshly downgraded the securities, it drastically accelerated the bursting of the bubble.

Clearly we cannot continue at status quo. As in other under-regulated fields, Main Street became the victim of overzealous and unchecked standards. What can we do about these agencies? The New Yorker suggests scrapping the ratings agencies altogether, reasoning that no faith is better than false faith. I don’t know if that is the answer—it would be preferable to merely disconnect the ratings agencies from governmental endorsement—but clearly Main Street must be spoken for here as well. Hopefully my voice on this issue will couple with the Mr. Surowiecki of the New Yorker to be the first of many to advocate sweeping reform.

Assisted by David Martin.